রবিবার, ১৪ জুলাই, ২০১৯

সীতার বনবাস


সীতার বনবাস



প্রণব কুমার কুণ্ডু


























বিবাহের পূর্বে সীতা, তাঁর পিতৃগৃহে থাকাকালীন, ব্রাহ্মণদের কাছ থেকে শুনেছিলেন, যে তাঁকে বনে বাস করতে হবে !

সুতরাং বনবাস ছিল সীতার অবশ্যম্ভাবী নিয়তি !

সেটা ছিল ব্রাহ্মণদের ভবিষ্যদ্বাণী !

পিতৃগৃহে লক্ষণরেখাবিদ ব্রাহ্মণদের ভবিষ্যদ্বাণী শুনে, তখন থেকে সর্বদাই সীতা বনবাসের জন্য ভীষণ উৎসাহী ও উদ্‌গ্রীব ছিলেন !

সীতার ক্ষেত্রে সেটা ফলেছিলও !



সূত্র : 'শ্রীমদ্‌বাল্মীকীয় রামায়ণ', পৃষ্ঠা ২৬২, শ্লোক সংখ্যা ৮ ও ৯, গীতা প্রেস।

শনিবার, ১৩ জুলাই, ২০১৯

রামায়ণের কথা


রামায়ণের কথা


রাম-সীতা, তাঁদের বনবাসের চোদ্দ বছরের,  বেশির ভাগ সময় ধরে, বনে পিকনিক আর বনবিহার করেছিলেন !

সঙ্গে অবিশ্যি সঙ্গী, রামের শালীপতী ভাই,  লক্ষ্মণ,  ফাই-ফরমাশ খেটেছিলেন !


প্রণব কুমার কুণ্ডু

আকাশযান


আকাশযান



প্রণব কুমার কুণ্ডু










বাল্মীকি রামায়ণে, রামের বনবাসের কালেই, সীতার মুখ দিয়ে, আকাশভ্রমণে আকাশযানের উল্লেখ আছে !
সুতরাং ধরে নেওয়া যায়, যে, আকাশযান তার বহুপূর্ব থেকেই ছিল !



* 'শ্রীমদ্‌বাল্মীকীয় রামায়ণ', পৃষ্ঠা ২৫৮, শ্লোক ৯।

Maharishi Dayananda and Christianity







Maharishi Dayananda and Christianity

Sita Ram Goel


Shared by Pranab Kumar Kundu from Facebook.



Pranab Kumar Kundu










Dayananda was deeply pained by the humiliations suffered by his people which were caused by the military government's repression and debased Christian harangues against Hinduism. His first priority was to restore his people's pride in their country and their cultural heritage. Centuries of foreign invasions had sunk Hindu society into poverty, sloth and defeatism. He mounted a frontal attack on some Hindu sects and systems of thought which he held responsible for this state of affairs. Hindu orthodoxy reacted by branding him as a hireling of Christian missionaries. There were certain strains in his thought which sounded like those of the alien creed. The missionaries themselves watched him for some time, for it appeared as if he was making things easy for them.
It was a matter of principle with Maharishi Dayananda not to speak on a subject which he had not studied and understood in advance. So he listened patiently to the Christian missionaries whenever and wherever they met him. There were seven such meetings between 1866 and 1873. He met J. Robson at Ajmer in 1866. During his stay in U.P. he had talks with J. T. Scott who presented to him the Christian position on various themes as well as a copy of the New Testament. In 1870, he met Dr. Rudolf Hoernle at Varanasi. On his way to Calcutta in 1872, he met the well-known Hindu convert Lal Behari De at Mughal Sarai and exchanged notes with him on the nature of sin and salvation. He discussed the nature of God with some English and native clergymen while he was staying at Bhagalpur in the course of the same journey.
By the time he reached Calcutta, the Brahmo Samaj had split into two. A minority consisting of those who wanted to retain their. Hindu identity had remained with the Adi Brahmo Samaj led by Debendra Nath Tagore and Rajnarayan Bose. The majority had walked away with Keshub Chunder Sen who had formed his Church of the New Dispensation (NababidhAna) and started dreaming of becoming the prophet of a new world religion. Dayananda saw with his own eyes how infatuation with Christ had reduced Keshub Chunder to a sanctimonious humbug and turned him into a rootless cosmopolitan. He also witnessed how Debendra Nath Tagore was finding it difficult to retrieve the ground lost when the Adi Brahmo Samaj had repudiated the fundamental tenets of Hinduism - the authority of the Vedas, VarNAshrama-dharma, the doctrine of rebirth, etc. The only consolation he found in Calcutta was a lecture, The Superiority of Hinduism, which Rajnarayan Bose had delivered earlier and a copy of which was presented to him.
Dayananda wrote a critique of Brahmoism soon after he returned from Calcutta. It was incorporated in Chapter XI of his Satyartha Prakasha which was first published from Varanasi in the beginning of 1875. The Brahmos, he wrote, have very little love of their own country left in them. Far from taking pride in their country and their ancestors, they find fault with both. They praise Christians and Englishmen in their public speeches while they do not even mention the rishis of old. They proclaim that since creation and till today, no wise man has been born outside the British fold. The people of Aryavarta have always been idiotic, according to them. They believe that Hindus have never made any progress. Far from honouring the Vedas, they never hesitate in denouncing those venerable Shastras. The book which describes the tenets of Brahmoism has place for Moses, Jesus and Muhammad who are praised as great saints, but it has no place for any ancient rishi, howsoever great. They denounce Hindu society for its division in castes, but they never notice the racial consciousness which runs deep in European society. They claim that their search is only for truth, whether it is found in the Bible or the Quran, but they manage to miss the truth which is in their own Vedic heritage. They are running after Jesus without knowing what their own rishis have bequeathed to them. They discard the sacred thread as if it were heavier than the foreign liveries they love to wear. In the process, they have become beggars in their own home and can do no good either to themselves or to those among whom they live.1
The critique of Christianity which Dayananda had written at the same time and which formed Chapter XIII of the SatyArth PrakAsha was left out of the first edition by the publisher in Varanasi. He was a deputy collector in the British administration and thought it prudent not to annoy the missionaries. He dropped Chapter XIV also because it was a critique of Islam and he had many friends among the Muslim gentry of United Provinces. Dayananda himself became heavily preoccupied from 1876 onwards, first in the Punjab and then in Rajasthan. The Arya Samaj he had founded in 1875 was being placed on a firm footing. He had also several other major books in hand. It was only in 1882 that he undertook a revision of the Satyarth Prakash for its second edition. The copy which was sent to the press in installments included the chapters on Christianity and Islam. He did not live to see the second edition which was published an year after his death in 1883. But by now the public at large had come to know his position vis-à-vis Christianity. His two dozen disputations with leading Christian missionaries, mostly in the Punjab, had left nobody in doubt that he had only contempt for the imported and criminal creed.
Dayananda did not know the English language, though he had tried to learn it at one time. He had to depend on Sanskrit and Hindi translations of the Bible done by some leading missionaries. Nor was he acquainted with the critique of Christianity which had, by his time, snowballed in the West. But his handling of the two Testaments shows that these were no disadvantages for him. His sense of logical consistency was quite strong. So was his humane and universal ethics derived from Vedic exegesis.
In his examination of the Old Testament, Dayananda concentrated his attention on the character of Jehovah. He found that Jehovah was not only blood-thirsty, vindictive and unjust but also extremely whimsical. Jehovah alone, said Dayananda, could choose a monster like Moses as his prophet and reveal a barbarous book like the Pentateuch. Dayanand summed up the character of Jehovah in a Sanskrit Sloka which deserves to be quoted verbatim: kshaNe rushtaH kshaNe tushTaH, rushTatushTaH kshaNe kshaNe; avyavasthitachittasya prasAdo�pi bhayaNkaraH (He is displeased in this moment and pleased in the next. He takes no time in travelling from dissatisfaction to satisfaction. His mind is deranged. Even a favour from such a being is to be feared). Only a savage society, said Dayananda, can project and worship such a being. He is no better than a tribal leader who sides with his own gang even if it is unjust and cruel and who reserves his wrath for every other people even if they are just and compassionate. Such a being should not be sold as the father of all mankind. Nor can he be entrusted with presiding over the world.
Coming to Jesus, Dayananda found him wanting even as a man, not to speak of as the son of God. One of the ten commandments required him to serve his parents. But instead of doing so himself, he made others leave their parents in the lurch. It was quite fit that he called himself and his disciples the fishers of men. They did ensnare ignorant people in the net of a creed they had invented to serve their own purpose. Their poor victims also left their homes. Jesus claimed that he had come with a sword and that his mission was to separate the son from the father, the daughter from the mother, the brother from the brother, and so on. The missionaries today are only following the example set by Jesus himself. They too entice ignorant people and separate them from their near and dear ones. The fraud, said Dayananda, should be exposed and the innocent people saved.
Coming to the miracles of Jesus, Dayananda said that the missionaries should be sent to share the company of sorcerers if they really believe in those miracles. The least they could do is to stop decrying the far more wonderful miracles mentioned in other people's books. Those who denounce other people's faith as false and sell their own falsehoods as truths, deserve to he described as dolts.
The apostles of Jesus, said Dayananda, were no better. One of them sold his teacher for thirty pieces of silver, others ran away when the teacher was caught and hanged. Yet we are told that these apostles will sit with Jesus on the day of judgment! Who could expect justice from judges of this kind? The missionaries are revealing the Christian standard of justice when they say that those alone who believe in Jesus will be saved and the rest sent to hell to rot there for ever. We see the same standard of justice in the Christian administration of this country. If a white man kills a black native, the murderer goes free! Moreover, is it not a mockery of justice that those who died soon after creation will have to wait to be judged in their graves for a long time while those who die close to the day of judgment will be judged very soon? All this proves that Christianity is the product of a primitive mind which lacks all sense of justice and fair play.
Jesus had said that the pieces of bread he was distributing were his body and the wine with which he was filling his disciples cups was his blood. Can a civilized man speak this language? No one except an uncouth savage would command his disciples to eat his flesh and drink his blood. Yet Christians applaud the practice as the Lord's Supper! Jesus was no lord. He was only a trickster. Had he had any spiritual powers, he would have saved himself from a shameful death. Nor was he a man of honor. Had he been one, he would have fought back and died a hero's death. Yet we are told that Jesus was the Only Son of God and that nobody can reach God except by his recommendation. God is thus reduced to the status of a servant of Jesus. The only conclusion we can draw from such statements of Jesus is that he was an impostor. He can be honored only in a savage society. Hindus have a saying that even a castor plant can pass as a tree in a land devoid of real trees. Jesus can pass as God only among people who have never known what constitutes Godhood.
Dayananda was thus fully equipped when he met the missionaries in a public debate at Moradabad in 1876. �When the missionaries said that Christ was the only Saviour, the Swami retorted that Krishna and Shankaracharya were men of better caliber and that belief in salvation through the intercession of a man was worse than idolatry.�2 In March 1877, there was a three-cornered contest at Chandpur Mela between Dayananda on one side and Muslim maulanas and Christian missionaries on the other. The theme was creation and salvation. Dayananda demonstrated how the literalistic methods which the missionaries employed in attacking Hindu Shastras and saints, could be used more effectively in dealing with the Bible and Jesus.
He had to rush to the Punjab in the same month as a wave of conversions in that province had made the missionaries feel triumphant and alarmed Hindu society. He met a missionary at his first stop in Ludhiana and silenced him immediately when he criticised Sri Krishna. A poor Brahmana had found employment in the missionary establishment and started feeling inclined towards Christianity. Dayananda demonstrated to him the errors of the alien creed and the merits of his own ancestral faith. The Brahmana was saved, though the missionaries sacked him.
During his prolonged tour of the Punjab, Dayananda faced the missionaries in no less than twenty public debates in different towns. Luminaries like E. M. Wherry, W. Hooper, W. C. Forman and Robert Clark were pitted against him, but he silenced them all. His performance in public debates not only stopped further conversions but also gave birth to a new movement - shuddhi (purification) of those who had been enticed away from Hindu society at one time or the other. It sent a wave of consternation through the missionary circles and restored Hindu confidence. In days to come, the missionaries became more and more reluctant to meet Dayananda in open forums.
The writings of Swami Dayananda and open debates with the Followers of Aryasamaj was the biggest opposition in the fields of India encountered by the Christian missionaries who were once dreaming to establish christian supremacy over the country as mere cake walk
Dayananda's work was continued after his death by the scholars of the Arya Samaj. They challenged the missionaries again and again to show the worth of Christianity as compared to the Vaidika Dharma. That is a long story which needs to be told in greater detail, and we reserve it for some other time. For the present, we would like to draw attention to a significant fact. Compared to the South, the progress of Christianity has been very, very slow in the North. The credit for reversing the trend in the North goes overwhelmingly to the lead given by Maharishi Dayananda and the Arya Samaj.
Reproduced from Book name "History of Hindu–Christian Encounters, AD 304 to 1996" by Sita Ram Goel

সম্রাট অশোক ( দুই )

সম্রাট অশোক ( দুই )


সম্রাট অশোকের অধীনে মৌর্য্য সাম্রাজ্য ছিল পৃথিবীর সবচেয়ে শক্তিশালী বৌদ্ধ রাষ্ট্র। এই সাম্রাজ্যে দাতব্য চিকিৎসালয়, বিনামূল্যে পড়াশোনার ব্যবস্থা এবং মানবাধিকার প্রাধান্য পেয়েছিল।




ফেসবুক থেকে শেয়ার করেছেন          প্রণব কুমার কুণ্ডু




প্রণব কুমার কুণ্ডু














সম্রাট অশোকের অধীনে মৌর্য্য সাম্রাজ্য ছিল পৃথিবীর সবচেয়ে শক্তিশালী বৌদ্ধ রাষ্ট্র। এই সাম্রাজ্যে দাতব্য চিকিৎসালয়, বিনামূল্যে পড়াশোনার ব্যবস্থা এবং মানবাধিকার প্রাধান্য পেয়েছিল।

রাহুল সিনহার বক্তব্য শুনুন


রাহুল সিনহার বক্তব্য শুনুন

ফেসবুক থেকে শেয়ার করেছেন       প্রণব কুমার কুণ্ডু



প্রণব কুমার কুণ্ডু











Soumyodeep Chiranjit Mitra এবং Súbhø Kølãy 💥ALL BENGAL RSS💥রাস্ট্রীয় স্বয়ংসেবক সংঘ💥 এ পোস্ট করেছেন৷


Nandalal Barui গোষ্ঠীটিতে একটি ভিডিও শেয়ার করেছেন: 🚩🚩হিন্দু সেনা - Hindu Sena - हिन्दू सेना🚩🚩


বিজেপির ভয়ে আল্লাহর নাম নেওয়া বন্ধ হয়ে গেছে মমতার,চাঞ্চল্যকর মন্তব্য রাহুল সিনহার ,https://youtu.be/qWH6LB6XLB0.


বিজেপির ভয়ে আল্লাহর নাম নেওয়া বন্ধ হয়ে গেছে মমতার,চাঞ্চল্যকর মন্তব্য রাহ...

Professor Rustum Roy on Whole Person Healing

শুক্রবার, ১২ জুলাই, ২০১৯

Marriage & Divorce of Muslims Shared by Pranab kumar Kundu from Facebook. Pranab Kumar Kundu ‎Aisha Tendulkar‎ এতে Nation wants to know 1.Marriage & Divorce cases as Muslim Personal Law Board (NGO) is their Sharia court which will decide all matters. 2. Muslims can have 4 wives at a time and can marry more by divorcing any or all the previous by saying 3 times talak. Female can have only one husband. 3. Man can give divorce 3 times talak anytime to his wife and she can't go to court for that. 4. Muslim women if facing atrocities by husband and wants divorce then she can ask for Khula but it solely depends upon husband whether he grants her 3 talak or not. 5. Halala: If husband gives say 3 times Talak to his wife in anger and later realise his mistake then for atonment he needs to send his wife to sleep with some other Muslim man or Maulvi to have sex for one day or few days only then she can marry again with her previous husband. 6. Hindu or Christian girl married to Muslim man becomes Muslim and automatically subject to these laws. 7. Marriage age for Muslim girls is 15 yrs. This is all happening in India till date because of Congress. BJP 3 talak bill is the first and profound step to end all the above.


Marriage & Divorce of Muslims
Shared by Pranab kumar Kundu from Facebook.




Pranab Kumar Kundu












Aisha Tendulkar এতে Nation wants to know



 1.Marriage & Divorce cases as Muslim Personal Law Board (NGO) is their Sharia court which will decide all matters.
2. Muslims can have 4 wives at a time and can marry more by divorcing any or all the previous by saying 3 times talak. Female can have only one husband.
3. Man can give divorce 3 times talak anytime to his wife and she can't go to court for that.
4. Muslim women if facing atrocities by husband and wants divorce then she can ask for Khula but it solely depends upon husband whether he grants her 3 talak or not.
5. Halala: If husband gives say 3 times Talak to his wife in anger and later realise his mistake then for atonment he needs to send his wife to sleep with some other Muslim man or Maulvi to have sex for one day or few days only then she can marry again with her previous husband.
6. Hindu or Christian girl married to Muslim man becomes Muslim and automatically subject to these laws.
7. Marriage age for Muslim girls is 15 yrs.
This is all happening in India till date because of Congress. BJP 3 talak bill is the first and profound step to end all the above.

Land grab attempt foiled - how a few Santals fought a crowd of 12,000 on...

বৃহস্পতিবার, ১১ জুলাই, ২০১৯

Bose, Not Gandhi, Ended British Rule In India: Ambedkar by Anuj Dhar




Bose, Not GandhiEnded British Rule In IndiaAmbedkar











Snapshot
  • In an interview to the BBC in February 1955, Babasaheb Ambedkar elucidated the reason why the British left India in 1947. Subsequently, Richard Attlee agreed Netaji was the toughest challenge the empire faced. Several defence and intelligence experts agreed, too.
Why even 70 years after Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose disappeared, the people of India are so keen on finding out the truth about him? A part of the answer has to do with what Netaji did for us.
Declassified records, testimonies of those who had a ringside view of events coupled with sheer commonsense make it quite evident that Netaji dealt a body blow to the British Raj. As such, for us to brush under the carpet the poignant issue of his fate — how and where he actually died — would constitute a gross affront to his memory and all those associated with him.
For reasons political, the authorities in India will never acknowledge the paramount role of Netaji in forcing the colonial British to transfer power in 1947. Perhaps, one has heard about it from someone in the family already. In a nutshell, there was not much freedom “fight” going on in India when the Second World War started in 1939. While Bose saw in it the opportunity of a lifetime and he wanted the Congress to serve a six-month ultimatum on the British to leave India, the party under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership would not do anything to increase pressure on the colonial rulers.
Ousted from the Congress, Bose left India and became the head of the Indian National Army (INA). Many in India still scoff at the INA, contrasting it with the professional, well-trained, much bigger Indian Army, ignoring the odds Bose had overcome to organise it in such a short time.
As the INA geared up to take on the British Indian Army in the battlefields, Gandhi launched the Quit India movement in 1942, which was similar to what Bose had demanded in 1939. The movement was launched in the right earnest. But, unfortunately, it was crushed within three weeks and, in a few months, it was all over.
That Gandhi did wonders for India is true. But to say that the Quit Indiamovement led to Independence would be stretching it too far. So what really clicked? A most logical explanation was given by Babasaheb B R Ambedkar.
In a no-holds-barred interview with BBC’s Francis Watson in February 1955, Babasaheb Ambedkar elucidated the reason why the British left India in 1947.
“I don’t know how Mr Attlee suddenly agreed to give India Independence,” wondered Ambedkar, recalling then British prime minister’s decision to agree to the transfer of power in 1947. “That is a secret that he will disclose in his autobiography. None expected that he would do that,” he added.
In October 1956, two months before Ambedkar passed away, Clement Richard Attlee disclosed in a confidential private talk that very secret. It would take two decades before the secret would trickle into the public domain.
Babasaheb Ambedkar would not have been surprised with Attlee’s admission, for he had foreseen it. He told the BBC in 1955 that from his “own analysis” he had concluded that “two things led the Labour party to take this decision” (to free India).
Ambedkar continued: “The national army that was raised by Subhas Chandra Bose. The British had been ruling the country in the firm belief that whatever may happen in the country or whatever the politicians do, they will never be able to change the loyalty of soldiers. That was one prop on which they were carrying on the administration. And that was completely dashed to pieces. They found that soldiers could be seduced to form a party — a battalion to blow off the British.”
Today, as we assess the other data on record and factor in the views of experts ranging from National Security Advisor Ajit Doval to Major General GD Bakshi, Babasaheb Ambedkar’s words couldn’t be more true.
Sir Norman Smith, director, Intelligence Bureau, noted in a secret report of November 1945: “The situation in respect of the Indian National Army is one which warrants disquiet. There has seldom been a matter which has attracted so much Indian public interest and, it is safe to say, sympathy… the threat to the security of the Indian Army is one which it would be unwise to ignore.”
Lt General S K Sinha, former Governor of Jammu and Kashmir and Assam, one of the only three Indian officers posted in the Directorate of Military Operations in New Delhi in 1946, made this observation in 1976. “There was considerable sympathy for the INA within the Army… It is true that fears of another 1857 had begun to haunt the British in 1946.”
Agreeing with this contention were a number of British MPs who met Clement Attlee in February 1946. “There are two alternative ways of meeting this common desire (a) that we should arrange to get out, (b) that we should wait to be driven out. In regard to (b), the loyalty of the Indian Army is open to question; the INA have become national heroes…”
Even in his ‘defeat’, Netaji delivered a massive blow to the British rule in India. And then when India needed him the most, he ‘disappeared’.
Don’t we owe it to Subhas Chandra Bose to know what became of him, now that we know so much that the previous generations did not?
(Below is Ambedkar’s interview to the BBC, where he talks about Bose and the INA 09:40 onwards)
Comments





Snapshot
  • In an interview to the BBC in February 1955, Babasaheb Ambedkar elucidated the reason why the British left India in 1947. Subsequently, Richard Attlee agreed Netaji was the toughest challenge the empire faced. Several defence and intelligence experts agreed, too.
Why even 70 years after Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose disappeared, the people of India are so keen on finding out the truth about him? A part of the answer has to do with what Netaji did for us.
Declassified records, testimonies of those who had a ringside view of events coupled with sheer commonsense make it quite evident that Netaji dealt a body blow to the British Raj. As such, for us to brush under the carpet the poignant issue of his fate — how and where he actually died — would constitute a gross affront to his memory and all those associated with him.
For reasons political, the authorities in India will never acknowledge the paramount role of Netaji in forcing the colonial British to transfer power in 1947. Perhaps, one has heard about it from someone in the family already. In a nutshell, there was not much freedom “fight” going on in India when the Second World War started in 1939. While Bose saw in it the opportunity of a lifetime and he wanted the Congress to serve a six-month ultimatum on the British to leave India, the party under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership would not do anything to increase pressure on the colonial rulers.
Ousted from the Congress, Bose left India and became the head of the Indian National Army (INA). Many in India still scoff at the INA, contrasting it with the professional, well-trained, much bigger Indian Army, ignoring the odds Bose had overcome to organise it in such a short time.
As the INA geared up to take on the British Indian Army in the battlefields, Gandhi launched the Quit India movement in 1942, which was similar to what Bose had demanded in 1939. The movement was launched in the right earnest. But, unfortunately, it was crushed within three weeks and, in a few months, it was all over.
That Gandhi did wonders for India is true. But to say that the Quit Indiamovement led to Independence would be stretching it too far. So what really clicked? A most logical explanation was given by Babasaheb B R Ambedkar.
In a no-holds-barred interview with BBC’s Francis Watson in February 1955, Babasaheb Ambedkar elucidated the reason why the British left India in 1947.
“I don’t know how Mr Attlee suddenly agreed to give India Independence,” wondered Ambedkar, recalling then British prime minister’s decision to agree to the transfer of power in 1947. “That is a secret that he will disclose in his autobiography. None expected that he would do that,” he added.
In October 1956, two months before Ambedkar passed away, Clement Richard Attlee disclosed in a confidential private talk that very secret. It would take two decades before the secret would trickle into the public domain.
Babasaheb Ambedkar would not have been surprised with Attlee’s admission, for he had foreseen it. He told the BBC in 1955 that from his “own analysis” he had concluded that “two things led the Labour party to take this decision” (to free India).
Ambedkar continued: “The national army that was raised by Subhas Chandra Bose. The British had been ruling the country in the firm belief that whatever may happen in the country or whatever the politicians do, they will never be able to change the loyalty of soldiers. That was one prop on which they were carrying on the administration. And that was completely dashed to pieces. They found that soldiers could be seduced to form a party — a battalion to blow off the British.”
Today, as we assess the other data on record and factor in the views of experts ranging from National Security Advisor Ajit Doval to Major General GD Bakshi, Babasaheb Ambedkar’s words couldn’t be more true.
Sir Norman Smith, director, Intelligence Bureau, noted in a secret report of November 1945: “The situation in respect of the Indian National Army is one which warrants disquiet. There has seldom been a matter which has attracted so much Indian public interest and, it is safe to say, sympathy… the threat to the security of the Indian Army is one which it would be unwise to ignore.”
Lt General S K Sinha, former Governor of Jammu and Kashmir and Assam, one of the only three Indian officers posted in the Directorate of Military Operations in New Delhi in 1946, made this observation in 1976. “There was considerable sympathy for the INA within the Army… It is true that fears of another 1857 had begun to haunt the British in 1946.”
Agreeing with this contention were a number of British MPs who met Clement Attlee in February 1946. “There are two alternative ways of meeting this common desire (a) that we should arrange to get out, (b) that we should wait to be driven out. In regard to (b), the loyalty of the Indian Army is open to question; the INA have become national heroes…”
Even in his ‘defeat’, Netaji delivered a massive blow to the British rule in India. And then when India needed him the most, he ‘disappeared’.
Don’t we owe it to Subhas Chandra Bose to know what became of him, now that we know so much that the previous generations did not?
(Below is Ambedkar’s interview to the BBC, where he talks about Bose and the INA 09:40 onwards)
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Snapshot
  • In an interview to the BBC in February 1955, Babasaheb Ambedkar elucidated the reason why the British left India in 1947. Subsequently, Richard Attlee agreed Netaji was the toughest challenge the empire faced. Several defence and intelligence experts agreed, too.
Why even 70 years after Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose disappeared, the people of India are so keen on finding out the truth about him? A part of the answer has to do with what Netaji did for us.
Declassified records, testimonies of those who had a ringside view of events coupled with sheer commonsense make it quite evident that Netaji dealt a body blow to the British Raj. As such, for us to brush under the carpet the poignant issue of his fate — how and where he actually died — would constitute a gross affront to his memory and all those associated with him.
For reasons political, the authorities in India will never acknowledge the paramount role of Netaji in forcing the colonial British to transfer power in 1947. Perhaps, one has heard about it from someone in the family already. In a nutshell, there was not much freedom “fight” going on in India when the Second World War started in 1939. While Bose saw in it the opportunity of a lifetime and he wanted the Congress to serve a six-month ultimatum on the British to leave India, the party under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership would not do anything to increase pressure on the colonial rulers.
Ousted from the Congress, Bose left India and became the head of the Indian National Army (INA). Many in India still scoff at the INA, contrasting it with the professional, well-trained, much bigger Indian Army, ignoring the odds Bose had overcome to organise it in such a short time.
As the INA geared up to take on the British Indian Army in the battlefields, Gandhi launched the Quit India movement in 1942, which was similar to what Bose had demanded in 1939. The movement was launched in the right earnest. But, unfortunately, it was crushed within three weeks and, in a few months, it was all over.
That Gandhi did wonders for India is true. But to say that the Quit Indiamovement led to Independence would be stretching it too far. So what really clicked? A most logical explanation was given by Babasaheb B R Ambedkar.
In a no-holds-barred interview with BBC’s Francis Watson in February 1955, Babasaheb Ambedkar elucidated the reason why the British left India in 1947.
“I don’t know how Mr Attlee suddenly agreed to give India Independence,” wondered Ambedkar, recalling then British prime minister’s decision to agree to the transfer of power in 1947. “That is a secret that he will disclose in his autobiography. None expected that he would do that,” he added.
In October 1956, two months before Ambedkar passed away, Clement Richard Attlee disclosed in a confidential private talk that very secret. It would take two decades before the secret would trickle into the public domain.
Babasaheb Ambedkar would not have been surprised with Attlee’s admission, for he had foreseen it. He told the BBC in 1955 that from his “own analysis” he had concluded that “two things led the Labour party to take this decision” (to free India).
Ambedkar continued: “The national army that was raised by Subhas Chandra Bose. The British had been ruling the country in the firm belief that whatever may happen in the country or whatever the politicians do, they will never be able to change the loyalty of soldiers. That was one prop on which they were carrying on the administration. And that was completely dashed to pieces. They found that soldiers could be seduced to form a party — a battalion to blow off the British.”
Today, as we assess the other data on record and factor in the views of experts ranging from National Security Advisor Ajit Doval to Major General GD Bakshi, Babasaheb Ambedkar’s words couldn’t be more true.
Sir Norman Smith, director, Intelligence Bureau, noted in a secret report of November 1945: “The situation in respect of the Indian National Army is one which warrants disquiet. There has seldom been a matter which has attracted so much Indian public interest and, it is safe to say, sympathy… the threat to the security of the Indian Army is one which it would be unwise to ignore.”
Lt General S K Sinha, former Governor of Jammu and Kashmir and Assam, one of the only three Indian officers posted in the Directorate of Military Operations in New Delhi in 1946, made this observation in 1976. “There was considerable sympathy for the INA within the Army… It is true that fears of another 1857 had begun to haunt the British in 1946.”
Agreeing with this contention were a number of British MPs who met Clement Attlee in February 1946. “There are two alternative ways of meeting this common desire (a) that we should arrange to get out, (b) that we should wait to be driven out. In regard to (b), the loyalty of the Indian Army is open to question; the INA have become national heroes…”
Even in his ‘defeat’, Netaji delivered a massive blow to the British rule in India. And then when India needed him the most, he ‘disappeared’.
Don’t we owe it to Subhas Chandra Bose to know what became of him, now that we know so much that the previous generations did not?
(Below is Ambedkar’s interview to the BBC, where he talks about Bose and the INA 09:40 onwards)
Comments